William Shakespeare †Shakespearean Authorship Research paper Essay Example For Students

William Shakespeare – Shakespearean Authorship Research paper Essay Many persons say that William Shakespeare of Stratford is the original author of all 38 dramas and 154 sonnets. It is argued that person else other than Shakespeare wrote these dramas. William Shakespeare was born April 23. 1564 in Stratford-Upon-Avon. Shakespreare was a lower middle-class adult male. William Shakespaeare. boy of John Shakespeare. a baseball mitt shaper and town functionary and Mary Arden who belonged to a household of the local aristocracy. Besides. male parent of Susan and Judith Shakespeare. Shakespeare attended King Edward VI School. a boys’ grammar school and academy in Stratford-upon-Avon. Warwickshire. England. Overall. there was ne’er adequate information to lucubrate on who Shakespeare truly was and what he did. which leads to open sentiments and arguements on who wrote these dramas. There are many persons who are said to hold written those dramas that Shakespeare claims to hold written himself. Christopher Marlowe. a undercover agent in the authorities and one of England’s best drama authors before Shakespeare came along. rote Doctor Faustus in the old ages of 1564-1593 when Shakespeare was born. In the twelvemonth of 1593. Christopher was announced dead. but. because he was a undercover agent in the authorities. it was ne’er truly proven if Mr. Marlowe was dead or alive. A few old ages subsequently in the Elizabethan Era. Shakespeare staged Doctor Faustus as his ain drama. Sir Francis Bacon of Strand. England served as Lord Chanceller of England and an lawyer. We will write a custom essay on William Shakespeare – Shakespearean Authorship Research paper specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now Bacon was born January 22. 1561 and was an writer. hilosopher. scientist. legal expert. solon and speechmaker. Francis Bacon. besides created the Baconian theory of Shakespearean writing which indicates that Sir Francis Bacon wrote the dramas attributed to Shakespeare and that Shakespeare was merely a forepart to conceal the individuality of Bacon because excessively much recognition towards Bacon would impede his aspiration to keep a high place. The Baconian theory of Shakespearean authroship gives Shakespeare the right to state he is the writer. Based on research. I believe Shakespeare did non compose all 38 dramas and 154 sonnets because every drama Shakespeare wrote was created in the same old ages or earlier. Shakespeare took recognition for the re-making of the dramas and sonnets which. led to many persons believing Shakespeare’s dramas are reliable. Harmonizing to my apprehension of the life of Williams Shakespeare. there was ne’er adequate records and information on Shakespeare to turn out if he completed grammar school. If he wrote plays himself or if he did compose any dramas himself. why did he all of a sudden halt. Did he run out of stuff? It makes one admiration. how Shakespeare randomly go a play author of such high position. if his female parent and male parent were simply close to being authors and his two girl were said to be illiterate. In decision. I believe. Shakespeare did non compose all 38 dramas. but. I suppose Shakespeare is non incorrect for taking recognition based off of the Baconian theory of Shakespearian writing.

How To Quit A Job You Just Started

How To Quit A Job You Just Started You did everything right and landed the job. Trouble is, through no fault of your own, it’s just not what you expected it would be. You’re suddenly desperate not to work there anymore, but you’re worried that you’re stuck. You don’t want to anger your new colleagues or boss. You don’t want to risk being blacklisted from future positions at the company. You don’t want to bring your educational institution a bad name. And you definitely don’t want to be seen as a quitter. What if you get to your next job and feel the same way? You can’t just keep bailing after week one! These are all things to think through if you find yourself in an unhappy situation. But do bear in mind that there are other considerations. You won’t be as happy, fulfilled, challenged, or productive at an unfulfilling job. Getting out now, once you can see the unpleasant future spilling out before you, might just save both you and your boss a lot of trouble and mental waste.If you do decide to quit, be absolutely sure before you do. That’s the most important factor in deciding whether to breach decorum and cut your losses before you’ve even gotten situated in a new position. The second most important thing is to exit gracefully.Here’s how:Resign tactfully.Don’t burn any bridges. Do what you can to keep these contacts. And do it in person. This is not the time for letters or emails (though you should have a formal resignation letter ready to go after you meet to discuss with your boss). You owe it to your supervisor to explain why you are bailing- particularly after so much joint effort to get you on board.Be honest and apologetic.Don’t make weak  excuses that you think will make your boss feel empathy for you. Give the real reason, or the closest to it you can get, and still remain tactful. Be genuinely sorry for the inconvenience, and pivot to showing how this is best for the company and y our quitting is actually something of a selfless act. If you’re the wrong fit for this job, it’s your moral duty to speak up and say so before wasting time and resources.Give proper notice.You’ll want to do this with plenty of time for them to find someone else. You should even offer, if at all possible, to stay until they find and train your replacement. This could be great for you if you don’t have an alternative job lined up- use the time to find another one! Remember, you are inconveniencing them, and should behave accordingly.Consider that you might be asked to stay.In most cases, you’ll be given a bunch of reasons to stay. Ask yourself before you speak to your boss whether there are any conditions that, if changed, would make you actually want to stay. Have an answer prepared either way.Think harder next time.Don’t beat yourself up. But do let this be a lesson that you should really consider all angles of a new job before accepting it. Saving yourself the embarrassment and a whole lot of extra uncertainty and work.

Familiares que puede pedir un ciudadano americano

Familiares que puede pedir un ciudadano americano Los ciudadanos de los Estados Unidos  pueden solicitar los papeles para la tarjeta de residencia permanente  Ã¢â‚¬â€œgreen card– para algunos de sus  familiares.  Los requisitos de edad, tiempos de demora, posibilidades de ajuste de estatus y de incluir a otros familiares en una à ºnica peticià ³n dependen del grado de la relacià ³n entre el estadounidense que pide los papeles y el extranjero que resulta beneficiado. Sin embargo, cabe destacar que en algunas ocasiones ser ciudadano no da derecho a pedir a un familiar. Esto es asà ­ en los casos en los que han sido previamente condenados por delitos contra menores de contenido sexual (Ley Adam Walsh). Adems, las condenas por secuestro o retencià ³n ilegal tambià ©n imposibilitan solicitar los papeles para un familiar. Familiares inmediatos de ciudadano estadounidense A la hora de pedir los papeles, la ley migratoria establece una diferencia fundamental entre familiares inmediatos de un ciudadano y los que no tienen esa categorà ­a. Su significado es muy distinto de lo que se entiende en lenguaje normal.   Solo y exclusivamente los siguientes son familiares inmediatos de un ciudadano: cà ³nyugeshijos solteros menores de 21 aà ±ospadres y madres Para la ley migratoria de EE.UU. son cà ³nyuges los matrimonios de varà ³n y mujer y tambià ©n los conformados por dos hombres o por dos mujeres. El matrimonio puede haberse celebrado en EE.UU. o en otro paà ­s, lo à ºnico que importa es que sea vlido segà ºn la ley del lugar de celebracià ³n. Asimismo, los cà ³nyuges solo pueden estar casados con una sola persona. Si tuvieron un matrimonio anterior, debe haber finalizado por fallecimiento de uno de los cà ³nyuges, anulacià ³n de matrimonio o divorcio. Si durante el proceso de peticià ³n el cà ³nyuge estadounidense falleciese, el viudo podrà ­a seguir siendo considerado como familiar inmediato y continuar con la tramitacià ³n, siempre que se cumplan ciertos requisito. Tambià ©n son familiares inmediatos de ciudadano los hijos/as biolà ³gicos o adoptados solteros que son menores de 21 aà ±os de edad. En los formularios de Inmigracià ³n se refieren a ellos como child. En algunos casos, los hijos biolà ³gicos podrà ­an ser ciudadanos por propio derecho a pesar de haber nacido en otro paà ­s por lo que se conoce como derecho de sangre. Con respecto a los hijos adoptados, podrà ­an haber adquirido la ciudadanà ­a estadounidense en el momento de la adopcià ³n, dependiendo de las circunstancias del caso. Tambià ©n podrà ­an ser considerados como familiares inmediato de un ciudadano los hijastros. Para este caso adems de ser solteros y menores de 21 aà ±os se exige que el matrimonio entre el ciudadano y el extranjero, que es padre o madre del menor, se hubiera celebrado antes de que dicho menor cumpliese los 18 aà ±os de edad. Si ya hubiera cumplido los 18 en el momento, el ciudadano no lo podr pedir ni como familiar inmediato ni en ninguna otra categorà ­a. La solucià ³n en estos casos es que el cà ³nyuge extranjero adquiera la green card y pida a ese hijo/a soltero. Otra opcià ³n, pero solo vlida si todavà ­a no se ha celebrado el matrimonio, es la visa K de prometido, ya que la derivada K-2 permitirà ­a pedir los papeles para el hijo soltero menor de 21 aà ±os del novio/a extranjero, a pesar de que la boda se celebra despuà ©s de que à ©ste hubiera cumplido los 18 aà ±os de edad. Por à ºltimo, son tambià ©n familiares inmediatos de un ciudadano su padre y su madre y en ciertas circunstancias, padres adoptivos, padrastros y madrastras. Pero para estas peticiones es requisito indispensable que el ciudadano cumpla los 21 aà ±os de edad antes de estar capacitado para hacerlas. Sin embargo, en el caso de un ciudadano estadounidense adulto que fue adoptado en otro paà ­s antes de cumplir los 16 aà ±os de edad y fruto de esa adopcià ³n obtuvo un beneficio migratorio -green card o ciudadanà ­a de EE.UU.-, no puede pedir los papeles para sus padres biolà ³gicos. Adems, un ciudadano solamente puede pedir al cà ³nyuge de su padre o al de su madre solamente si la boda entre ellos se celebrà ³ antes de que el ciudadano hubiera cumplido los 18 aà ±os de edad. Por ejemplo, si el ciudadano estadounidense Juan Garcà ­a tiene 19 aà ±os cuando su pap, Orlando Garcà ­a, se casa con Gloria Fernndez, cuando Juan cumpla los 21 aà ±os de edad podr pedir a su padre, pero no a Gloria. Pros y cons de peticiones de ciudadano a familiares inmediatos En primer lugar, una gran ventaja de las peticiones de ciudadano a familiar inmediato es el tiempo de espera por la tarjeta de residencia que es, simplemente, el que lleve la tramitacià ³n. A diferencia de lo que ocurre en el resto de peticiones por familia, en el caso de las de familiar inmediato no hay là ­mite en el nà ºmero de residencias que se pueden aprobar anualmente por esta causa. En la actualidad la demora puede llevar, aproximadamente, entre 12 y 24 meses. Otra gran ventaja de las peticiones de ciudadano a familiares inmediatos es que pueden ajustar su estatus –es decir, obtener la green card sin salir de EE.UU.- incluso si estn en el paà ­s como indocumentados, siempre y cuando hubieran entrado legalmente a EE.UU. En otras palabras, los que ingresaron cruzando ilegalmente la frontera no pueden ajustar su estatus y tendrà ­an que salir a una entrevista consular, con lo que surgirà ­a el problema del castigo del los tres o de los 10 aà ±os. Por esta razà ³n, se debe consultar con un abogado en el caso de peticiones de ciudadano a cà ³nyuges, padres e hijos mayores de edad de un ciudadano que ingresaron ilegalmente a EE.UU. Finalmente, otra ventaja es la congelacià ³n de la edad para el caso de hijos solteros que cumplen los 21 aà ±os de edad durante la tramitacià ³n de la peticià ³n. Por otro lado, el gran inconveniente de las peticiones de familiar inmediato es que en cada una solo se puede incluir a un familiar y no se admiten beneficiados derivados. Por ejemplo, si el ciudadano Juan Garcà ­a, de 21 aà ±os de edad, quiere pedir a sus padres y a su hermano debe presentar una peticià ³n para el pap y pagar por ella, otra para la mam, y de nuevo realizar un pago completo. Y al hermano debe pedirlo en otra tercera peticià ³n y, adems, no tendr consideracià ³n de familiar inmediato. Es decir, el hermano no puede incluirse ni en la del padre ni en la de la madre. Lo mismo sucede en el caso de que el ciudadano Juan Garcà ­a se casa con Sofà ­a Pà ©rez y Sofà ­a tiene 3 hijos de 12, 11 y 9 aà ±os. Juan puede pedir a su cà ³nyuge y a los tres nià ±os como hijastros, sin necesidad de adoptarlos. Pero debe presentar un total de cuatro peticiones distintas y pagar por cada una de ellas la tarifa correspondiente. Quià ©nes son familiares no inmediatos de ciudadanos Los ciudadanos estadounidenses pueden pedir la tarjeta de residencia permanente tambià ©n para los siguientes familiares: hijos  solteros mayores de 21 aà ±os: categorà ­a F1.hijos casados de cualquier edad: categorà ­a F3hermanos de cualquier edad, solteros y casados: categorà ­a F4. Para que un ciudadano pueda pedir a un hermano, debe haber cumplido ya los 21 aà ±os de edad. Adems, el ciudadano puede pedir no solo a sus hermanos biolà ³gicos, incluidos los medio hermanos, sino tambià ©n a los hermanastros, siempre y cuando el và ­nculo familiar se hubiera establecido antes de cumplir ambos los 18 aà ±os de edad. Asimismo, puede pedir a sus hermanos por adopcià ³n, pero en este caso la adopcià ³n debe haberse producido antes de que ambos cumpliesen los 16 aà ±os de edad. Por otra parte los ciudadanos pueden pedir a los hijos biolà ³gicos, a los adoptados y a los hijastros. En este à ºltimo caso, la relacià ³n familiar tiene que haber nacido antes de que el hijastro cumpliese los 18 aà ±os de edad. Caracterà ­sticas de las peticiones de familiares no inmediatos Es fundamental entender y tener presentes las siguientes circunstancias: En primer lugar, hay un là ­mite anual en el nà ºmero de tarjetas de residencia que se pueden aprobar en cada categorà ­a. Y como el nà ºmero de peticiones es mucho ms grande que el de tarjetas que se pueden dar se produce un gran retraso de aà ±os y, segà ºn las categorà ­as, de dà ©cadas. Adems, es mayor para el caso de nacidos en Mà ©xico que para el resto de Latinoamà ©rica o Espaà ±a. Puede consultarse el boletà ­n de visas que actualiza cada mes el Departamento de Estado. La gran ventaja de las peticiones de ciudadano a familiar no inmediato es que se pueden incluir a varias personas en una misma peticià ³n. Por ejemplo, se pide a un hermano y se aà ±ade a su esposa y a sus hijos solteros menores de 21 aà ±os. Adems, se admite el follow-to-join benefits, para incluir a nuevos familiares de la persona pedida que puedan incorporarse a su familia despuà ©s de presentar la peticià ³n. Por ejemplo, un ciudadano americano pide a una hermana que est soltera. Pasan los aà ±os y cuando llega el momento de la entrevista en el consulado para la green card la hermana est casada y tiene hijos. En ese momento puede pedir que se le extiendan los beneficios al marido y a los nià ±os. No tendr que aplicar con un nuevo formulario I-130 ni pagar por una nueva tarifa de solicitud de dicho formulario, ni habr que esperar a que haya una visa de inmigrante disponible.   Por otro lado, en el caso de familiares no inmediatos no se admite lo que se conoce como congelacià ³n de edad y si una de las personas incluidas como derivadas cumple los 21 aà ±os antes de la entrevista en el consulado no recibir la green card. Por ejemplo, la ciudadana Carolina Vargas pide a su hermano Rogelio Vargas que est casado y tiene un hijo de 16 y una hija de 10. Cuando llega el momento de la entrevista en el consulado, el hijo tiene 22 aà ±os y la nià ±a 16. Ella podr emigrar con sus paps pero el hijo, no. 3 causas por las que no se aprueba la peticià ³n de familiar Ser el familiar de un ciudadano no garantiza la obtencià ³n de la tarjeta de residencia. Es necesario que se cumplan con otros requisitos, como que el solicitante tiene  recursos econà ³micos suficientes para patrocinar. Adems, es necesario que no hay nada en el pasado del familiar para el que se piden los papeles que lo convierta en inadmisible. Esto es, que  no pueda recibir la tarjeta de residencia y estas son 42 causas para ello.  En algunos casos, ser posible solicitar un perdà ³n, tambià ©n conocido como waiver o permiso. En otros la solucià ³n ser dejar pasar el tiempo de castigo, como por ejemplo en los casos de presencia ilegal previa en EE.UU. salvo que se pueda alegar y probar dureza extrema. Finamente, en otros casos ser prcticamente imposible regresar a EE.UU., como cuando ha habido una deportacià ³n por crimen violento o en caso de haber sido agarrado despuà ©s de una deportacià ³n y hay una prohibicià ³n permanente. Sin duda ayuda para familiarizarse con todo el proceso para pedir a un familiar tomar este quiz - conocido en algunos paà ­ses como trivial o test - para verificar que tienes los conocimientos bsicos sobre cà ³mo obtener y conservar la tarjeta de residencia. Puntos Claves: peticià ³n de ciudadano a familiar Familiares inmediatos: padres, madres, hijos solteros menores de 21 aà ±os y cà ³nyuges. Demora entre 12 y 24 meses, aproximadamente.Familiares no inmediatos: hijos solteros mayores de 21 aà ±os, hijos casados de cualquier edad, hermanos. Demoras de aà ±os y, en algunos casos, dà ©cadas. En estas peticiones se puede incluir en la solicitud del familiar pedido a su cà ³nyuge e hijos solteros menores de 21 aà ±os de edad.Causas por las que no se aprueba la green card:No se prueba relacià ³n familiar entre ciudadano y la otra personaEl ciudadano no tiene ingresos y patrimonio suficiente para patrocinarEl familiar pedido es considerado inadmisible. En algunos casos es posible pedir un perdà ³n. Este es un artà ­culo informativo. No es asesorà ­a legal.

SURVE Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

SURVE - Essay Example evaluation stage, where it has now been established that the physical and biological changes that adolescent girls experience cause them to become more concerned about their bodies, thus they look for every means possible to appear as they find pleasing in their own eyes. The literature review has also established that to achieve a perceived perfect body appearance, adolescent girls have become target group for most advertisers in the food and nutrition industry. Finally, the literature review has been able to establish that unfortunately, food products and services advertisements do not always represent the holistic truth about what they seek to portray, and thus the advertisers have been accused of keeping key information on products that has to do with side effects and risk effects of their food. However, the challenge at this point is using literature review to establish the remedies put in place to address the limitation of hiding key information by advertisers, regarding side effects and risk effects of their food. I am hoping that the professor will in guiding me through the data collection process, especially under qualitative methods of data collection applied in the study, which is highly subjective, to avoid the negative subjectivism that may result to biased

Political socialization Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Political socialization - Essay Example Indeed, to the best of my understanding, integrity and fear of God cannot be perceived to be different. Rather, they are complementary to each other. Politics is said to be a dirty game. This is a conclusion made after observing too many incidences of political foul play. Indeed, politicians acknowledge there is no true friendship when it comes to politics. I have grown hearing this word in news bulletins. Therefore, politicians and community leaders thrive by painting their opponents as enemies of their course and unacceptable to people, especially when elections are near. They do this through character assassination. However, there are certain positions I accepted, not because of experience or exposure. I grew up knowing that. For example, it was unacceptable to try to imagine a leader endorsing same sex relationships. We have lived to see gays running for political offices and claiming equal rights with others. As long as I can remember, the society treated such people as outcasts , and in some societies, they were killed. Through childhood training, I knew that people who subscribe to my value system as the best when it comes to politics and economy. This has caused communities to stick to the leaders to who come from their background. It becomes hard to accept people across the economic and political divide. Prejudices occur after years of training during the growing process of a child. I feel safe when I have a leader who can be fit into my community or convictions. This includes sharing the same faith and the same origin. After years of aggressive campaigns on government, political and society, the stand has softened. It is now possible to endorse a political leader who does not share the same roots with me. However, the mistrust still continues because politicians thrive by defining positions and power in terms of communities support and ethnicity. Extremely rich people prefer rich

Urban Development in Beijing

Urban Development in Beijing Since China’s emergence as one of the greatest economic engines of the world, Beijing has seen a meteoric rise as one of the economic, political, social and cultural centers of the East Asian sector. Not only is Beijing the capital of China, and the seat of power of the Communist regime, it is also home to one of the largest and most dense populations on the planet. With almost 15 million residences residing in the city it is the 24th largest city in the world and fourth in density. While Beijing has always held a position of importance as the residence of Chinese emperors and past political regimes, it has taken on numerous new responsibilities and roles as part of the globalized world. The growth of this region and specifically the shift within China’s furious economic growth has resulted in the escalation of urban development within Beijing. Beijing has had to become a â€Å"modern city† almost overnight, while still capturing the history and culture of Chinaà ¢â‚¬â„¢s past. Stuck between two worlds, Beijing faces a unique challenge in its urban development. The following analysis will pursue an understanding of Beijing’s urban development strategies as well as the motivations behind them. Beijing has become a hub of urban infrastructure and development. Every aspect of the city has been transformed in the past decade. By 2003, Beijing’s overall infrastructure has reached a total fixed investment of 26.06 billion dollars, and continues to grow at more than 15 percent per annum (CDB, 2005). The city is beginning to develop complicated networks of transportation, communication, ventilation, sewage, etc. Before a detailed analysis of the actual implementation of urban development and its problems, an understanding of the underlying reasons behind Beijing’s reasons for rapid urban development must be reached. There are three key factors that are currently fueling Beijing’s rapid growth towards becoming an ultra mod ern urban center. One of the primary reasons for the break neck speed of growth in Beijing has been the explosive population growth that has been occurring. Despite strong measures in place such as the â€Å"Five Year Plan† and the â€Å"One Child Policy†, Beijing has continued to experience strong growth due to both its urban population and underground migratory movements. Beijing grew from 13 million in 2000 to almost 15 million by 2005, growth is projected to increase to 18 million by 2010 (Beijing Review, 2005). These growth figures furthermore do not reflect accurately the current number of migrant workers living Beijing illegally. Analysts have projected the actual population of Beijing to be more than 17 million when counting all illegal and undocumented individuals living within the city (Beijing Review, 2005). Beyond local residence, there also has been a growth in immigration to Beijing as a result of its emergence as an international hub. Immigration per year has increased by over 25 percent since 2000, especially from other WTO nations (CDB, 2005). This population crunch is one of the motivating factors behind the need for urban development and infrastructural development. Another catalyst for urban development has been the shifting economic situation within Beijing. As a result of globalization and heavy industrialization, the standard of living and general economic circumstance of Beijing residences have increased dramatically. In 2005, Beijing’s nominal GDP grew to 84 billion USD, a yearly growth rate of 11.1%, and its GDP per capita also grew by 8.1 percent. The combination of available technology and influx of wealth has meant that residence of Beijing are demanding higher quality of life, increases in standards and a general improvement in overall welfare of their city. The result has been both a public and private response to economic changes within Beijing by an expanding urban infrastructure as well as private investment in real estate development. At the same time, the government has realized the need to modernize the city to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), for this purpose they have begun reinventing business districts and co nstructing immense building projects to modernize the city (CDB, 2005). The combination of Beijing as the pride of China, its economic center, and socio-economic mobility has become one of the push catalysts for urban development. A final reason for urban development, especially in the past two years has been Beijing’s impending 2008 Summer Olympics. Termed by the Chinese government as the â€Å"coming out party† of the Chinese juggernaut, the city has moved at a fervent pace to construct new additions to stadiums, upgrades and renovations as well as providing the infrastructure, residential, and tourism needs of future visitors. The projected cost of the Beijing Olympics will exceed 54 billion Yuan, or more than 6 billion USD (Beijing Review, 2005). Beijing has taken on numerous urban development projects in order to improve their city before the Olympics begin. A new subway transportation system is being built uniquely for the Olympics, and transportation channels su ch as road improvements, highways and numerous other changes have been enacted as a result. New building and housing projects, including the construction of stadiums, hotels, and other accommodations from both public and private investments have transformed the city. The result of the impending Olympics is that it has led to a dramatic shift in the urban development strategy of Beijing. Beijing’s urban development infrastructure has expanded tremendously in the past two decades. Beijing is divided into circular zones separated by â€Å"rings†, as the city expands more rings are built around the original center of the city, Tiananmen Square. At the inception of the People’s Republic, Beijing only had two such rings, the limits of its urban sprawl extended to the 2nd Ring Road. With the expansion of business, population and economic necessity, Beijing has now extended itself beyond a fifth ring, and is currently constructing a sixth ring. In less than two decades, the scope of this city has increased by more than eight hundred percent. Much of the former countryside and rural regions have been annexed by the city and turned into urban sprawl. Former farmlands have been converted into industrial centers, electronic hubs and business districts. Beijing has had to construct specific regions for the expansion of foreign businesses, the demands for incubation zones for Intel, IBM, Microsoft and other software and hardware giants have forced Beijing to construct a separate business sector away from its central city. The inevitable result of this expansion is that Beijing has been confronted with a myriad of problems including very poor traffic control, air pollution and the destruction of traditional and cultural landmarks. In order to confront this problem, Beijing has decided to stop infrastructural expansion in concentric rings and instead expand within circular bands outside of the city center. In order to combat the growing population and need to expand, Beijing has begun a policy of organized infrastructural improvement. It has committed over 20 billion USD to improving the interconnectivity of its road networks and expanding highways around the city. Beijing development officials have cited two specific goals for improvi ng traffic, air quality and general congestions. Beijing will develop a state of the art public transportation system as well as expand its current system of roads and highways. It has also expanded the development of their 15 billion USD airport system on the outskirts of Beijing. The purpose of expanding their transportation infrastructure is to allow construction to accommodate growth to occur both vertically and horizontally (Lillian, 2007). Beijing wishes to follow an urban development much like Shanghai, Shenzhen and many other Western cities. The hope is that the city can divide itself into zones with vertical growth to limit city sprawl and increase centralization of institutional districts. For this purpose, Beijing has already begun building an incredible robust subway system. The Beijing government has invested 8 billion USD to the development of its subway infrastructure, adding ten different traffic lines crossing throughout the city (Tang, 2006). In an effort to vastly improve their public transportation, Beijing has even conceded to private investment to commission and build their transportation system. The combination of construction, transportation expansion, and general growth has also lead to a challenging urban energy situation. Growth in population has outpaced projections on water, electricity and natural gas usage. Current water treatment plants are already working at over capacity with the anticipation of seeing almost 2.5 million more temporary residents within the city for the 2008 Olympics (Tang, 2006). Development plans to mitigate problem has been to pioneer a state of the art water treatment facility and system on the outskirts of Beijing along the Shanxi Province. Water will be brought from over 180 kilometers away through an underground pipeline and carefully processed before going into the city (Tang, 2006). This will alleviate the pressure of current water processing centers. In addition, Beijing is currently investing in sewage transportation networks that run along the infrastructure of this system, specifically linking it to the expansion of the city sprawl. Ur ban development in Beijing has raised numerous problems for the Beijing municipality, its government and populace. Air quality in Beijing is ranked as one of the five worst in the world (Tang, 2006). During the summer months, the majority of residence has to wear protective masks to prevent debris and air pollution to harm their lungs. The rise in population and the lack of a strong traffic control system has meant that air pollution has increased by more than 10 percent per annum. An attempt to solve this problem through road expansion and public transportation has been only marginally successful. Beijing is expected to have to halt the majority of traffic for up to two weeks in order to clear the air pollution for the Beijing Olympics. In addition, the massive urban development plans of the city have required significant man power. This has led to an even greater influx of undocumented migrant workers. Illegal immigration and residence within Beijing has caused a further taxing of overworked sewage and water treatment plants as well as inhumane living conditions within the area. Millions of illegal residents flow in and out of the city looking for low end labor. Since they are basically unmonitored and unnoticed, their treatment is oftentimes cruel and abusive while receiving minimal compensation. Corruption is another major concern as a result of urban development, numerous officials have been investigated and prosecuted for receiving monetary incentive to give out lucrative government contracts, but with so much growth it is hard for the government to monitor all aspects of government. The most important and enduring problem however is the destruction of the rural countryside and culturally important regions. Beijing’s growth has already consumed thousands of hectares of farmland in the surrounding areas. Destruction of historically significant sites such as the protective rim of the Great Wall has become major concerns as the city continues to expand (Lillian, 2007). Numerous monasteries, cultural centers, traditional gardens, etc. have been destroyed as a result of urban development plans. Solutions to these problems are not immediately evident. Beijing’s current strategy follows the national one of â€Å"expansion first, reform later† (Lillian, 2007). As a result, pollution, environment damage, cultural deteriorates have almost all become secondary to the monumental growth of the nation’s economy and industry. Beijing has attempted to take some steps to prevent the further spread of urban development problems however. Their current road projects will reduce traffic congestions and it plans to limit the number of vehicles allowed within city limits once construction of public transportation has completed construction. Beijing already claims to have reduced air pollution by 1.9 percent in the past year and will continue to pursu e a policy of pollution reduction in the future. The establishment of immigration registration centers, and increase of police monitoring of migrant labor are positive steps towards documenting all migrant workers and ensuring that they meet basic standards of living (Tang, 2006). Already, a massive part of the current living standards reform centers on providing housing for migrant laborers within the Beijing area and specifically creating a worker’s code to formalize the process of hiring and caring for migrant laborers. In addition, Beijing has established a special commission to investigate and identify cultural and traditional regions, parks, buildings, etc. for special government protection and reconstruction. This project has already restored over fifty parks within the Beijing area as well as maintaining the famous Summer Palace. Restoration projects of Beijing’s most famous relics such as the Forbidden City has been in effect since 2005, and will prepare Beijing for the tourism boom of the 2008 Olympics. Urba n development in Beijing has at times appeared sporadic and organic in nature. The population boom combined with the increased importance of the city as an international economic, political and social center has made its development inevitable and at times chaotic. Not only has Beijing urban expansion taking place horizontally and vertically, it has encompassed every level of its development at an infrastructural level. The construction of business and economic zones and incubators along with expansion of residence areas have increased the city limits eight fold. This has been accompanied by transportation infrastructure improvements, water treatment and waste disposal systems, and the improvement of the general urban conditions of all individuals within Beijing. The problems that Beijing faces with urban development are numerous; many of them are inevitable problems of expansion. However, Beijing has taken many positive steps to cautiously approach expansion and development in orde r to limit mistakes and encourage healthy growth. By the 2008 Olympics, Beijing will be one of the most modern cities in the world, by then its urban development will rival that of any western capital and become a stalwart of the East Asian region. Bibliography: Beijing CBD. (2005). CBD Planning and Urban Development of Beijing. Available: CBD Planning and Urban Development of Beijing. Last accessed 21 July 2007. NA. (2005). Beijing History. Available: http://www.beijingeguide.com/history.php. Last accessed 21 July 2007. NA. (2007). Thousand Cities, One Face the â€Å"third round of havoc†. Available: http://www.beijingnewspeak.com/category/urban-development/. Last accessed 21 July 2007. TANG YUANKAI. (2006). Slaking an Olympic Thirst. Available: http://www.bjreview.com.cn/lianghui/txt/2006-12/12/content_57437.htm. Last accessed 21 July 2007. Lillian M. Li (2007). Beijing : From Imperial Capital to Olympic City. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. all. Beijing Municipal Urban Construction Comprehensive Development Office (1994). Residential Construction in Beijing. Beijing: China Constructional Industry Press. all.

How non English Native Speaker Translate Slang Texting into Regular English

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTIONThe subject of this study is slang and how the use of slang can be transferred from a source text in one language to a target text in another language. I have chosen this subject because slang is something in a conversation or similar communicative situation that most people easily recognize as soon as it is uttered, but explaining and defining what slang is and how it functions is an entirely different matter.Consequently, it is interesting to research the use of slang in order to determine if there are any difficulties in transferring slang from one language to another. Slang seems to have suffered social stigma among linguists and lexicographers because it has frequently been associated with overtly impertinent behavior (Adams 2009: 32). However, as it turns out, little research has been conducted into the actual use of slang. In fact, finding sources to explain the function of slang is very difficult.Researching terminology that is attributed to being slang , showed me that slang is more than just words to show impertinent behavior and that there are many social aspects embedded in slang, which in this thesis will be referred to as the use of slang. This study seeks to find out what slang is, how it is used, who uses it and why it is used. The embedded social effect and function of using slang will be researched and discussed in order to show why slang deviates from standard language and why it is used.I have chosen to look at how slang works within a given culture (the USA) because in Denmark, due to an excessive exposure to American television, films and music, we are heavily subjected to American- English language media which may give us a greater consciousness of the English language. From a translation studies’ point of view, slang is interesting because of its connotations in its source culture.Slang seems to be connected to the culture in which it is created, so how are slang words and expressions transferred into another language and culture and does the transfer affect the possibility to maintain the use of slang in the translation? In the world of translation studies, research into the translation of slang seems somewhat limited. The reason may be that slang is largely considered a colloquial phenomenon which reduces the genres of communication in which it can appear. More specifically, slang is most likely to be translated in connection with slang style of teenagers, in the form of texting.CHAPTER II. THEORETICAL FOUNDATIONA. Theory of TranslationThe acknowledgement of translation theory as a scientific discipline is usually attributed to J. S. Holmes. In his statement on the Symposium of Applied Linguistics (Copenhagen, 1972), he insisted on the establishment of translation theory as an independent field of research. The framework of this new scientific discipline was hard to determine because of its complex requirements and because it uses materials and results from many other linguistic disci plines.So, whoever wants to deal with the theory and poetics of translation should pay attention to the special requirements of similar disciplines and should be able to include their work in this new discipline. Because of all this, translation theory was considered an activity of secondary importance that relies on other people's thoughts and knowledge. The result of this was a diminishment of the value of research in this area.However, after years of undeserved treatment, the study of translation theory is gaining the place it should have had from the start. As an object of scientific research, the translation process attracts the attention of many scientific disciplines and methods, especially contrastive analysis. This kind of analysis can be successfully applied in monitoring structures and idioms of one language and comparing them to their semantic counterparts in another language.In this process we can also determine whether one particular phrase exists in only one language, or it is a common expression in several languages. In the final results of this study we can determine most important general and specific language differences. As a systematic scientific approach, with specific methods and goals, contrastive analysis was conceived in the United States in 1930’s, but it gained an important place in language science 40 years later. Of course, general linguistics with its theory and methodology supported this action.It is reasonable to assume that those who deal with translation as a science want linguistics to provide a practical contribution to translation, and to offer an improvement of practical use for those who learn foreign languages. Internal connections between linguistics and translation are quite obvious and convincingly confirmed by the generated models presented by generative grammar. However, although contrastive analysis has left important traces in the study of language, so far it hasn’t shown many important results in s ocial and cultural fields or practical solutions for the benefit of communication.According to contrastive analysis, the written text has a permanent structure, it requires focusing only from the standpoint of etymology and semantics, so it does not allow observation of life situations or events that occur in the language under the influence of the social and cultural environment. If we accept the terms mentioned above according to their original etymological meaning, it is clear that they define translation as the decision to say something to someone somewhere â€Å"over†, where people speak a different language and the message can not be understood without translation, transmission or inversion.To make it simple, translation represents transferring messages from one language to another. Translators often try to highlight the direct connection between translation and language. Professional translators usually insist on translating the semantic components of the text, but som etimes there’s a need for literal translation. Some often criticize the language structures that can be found in under-educated translators’ work. Although professional translators insist on the connection between translation and various fields of modern science, their theories can not offer enough evidence on the true importance of translation.Traditional scientific practice gives the activity of translation a secondary role and leaves it in the shadow of the importance of scientific research. When it comes to the translation process, we can say that a translator transfers information between the two languages. In fact, a translator transfers the contents of the text written in one language – also known as source language – into the expressions in the second language – also called the target language. This type of translation is called inter-language.Given the relationship between source language and target language, there can be  also intra-lan guage and inter-semiotic translation. Inter-language translation is a process in which the linguistic material from one language is transferred using material from some other language. Intra-language translation is the name for replacing one form of language material with another form of that same language. Inter-semiotic translation can be defined as the conversion of characters from the language system structure to another system of signs (for example, converting traffic regulations to traffic symbols).In this case, Translation's status as a mental activity of secondary importance is caused by the thought that in the transfer between two languages, translators are trying to shape other people’s thoughts, not their own. As a form of mental activity, translation represents the transformation of thoughts, feelings or desires, originally designed in one language, into the same kind of thought, feeling or desire in another language.B. Theory of CommunicationThe network is expect ed to process messages regardless of their contents. The perspective of the communication network therefore is different from that of the communicators. Only by operating at a next, that is, receiving interface, can the substance of the message be reconstructed and further processed. This next interface may be a (human) receiver or another differentiation of the network. As the differentiation changes, the message is expected to have another situational meaning (Granovetter 1985).The substance of communication can only be reconstructed if the communication systems are sufficiently complex for packaging the original signal. The original substance of the message, however, remains an assumption at the receiving end and decoding is based on theoretical assumptions. Although this may in practice be taken for granted, all sense of an original communality is recognizable as based on a specific coding, for example, in terms of basic affections. At the level of the social system, the communi cation of information not only transmits, but also translates and potentially transforms the expected information content.The full formalization of the substance of communication in terms of messages expected to contain information was accomplished by Shannon's (1948) mathematical theory of communication. From this perspective, information is content-free and equated with uncertainty; it is formalized in terms of binary digits or bits. When the uncertainty is complete, the system is assumed to be â€Å"dead† in a formal sense. A system can only process information, that is, communicate, as long as the expected information is not complete but contained within a communication. A communication system communicates with other communication systems.The latter provide contexts insofar as they communicate, that is, insofar as these systems are neither completely certain (â€Å"fixed†) nor completely uncertain (â€Å"dead†). Thus, a model of co-variation and remaining va riation in otherwise orthogonal dimensions can be formalized (Leydesdorff 1994). By differentiating the systems suppress the co-variation and tend to become nearly decomposable (Simon 1973). Whereas the covariation between two systems (A and B) is mutually determined, the remaining variation provides a structure over time in the one system (A) that is a latent condition for the coevolving system (B).From the perspective of the latter system (B), the structure (in A) can also be considered as redundancy or failing information. Therefore, structure is latent from this perspective. The covariations provide windows at which the systems share information mutually. The remaining variations are based on the recursive code of the communication over time and remain internal to each of the co-evolving systems. In the case of a dually layered communication medium like human language (see above), the same communication can be nearly decomposable in one dimension while firmly related in another. For example, we may agree despite a deep misunderstanding in terms of the information exchange, while one is also able to disagree about a given meaning when one fully agrees about the underlying exchange. Thus, a two-dimensional communication medium allows for differentiation and integration at the same time. The operation has become complex in itself. With increasing differentiation the system has to improve on its internal operation of integration because of the risk of otherwise falling apart from an excess of differentiation.Keeping this balance under the pressure of increasing uncertainty can be considered as the driving force for developing communicative competences in a communication system. The communicative competences are expected to be differentiated in the case of inter-human communication. Whereas the substance of social communication (i) is packaged, the communicative competencies tend also to become formalized. The social network system, however, remains structurally coupled to human agency in the substantive dimension.As long as one maintains Luhmann's assumption that human agency has to be the substantive carrier of the reflexive translation at the node, the social system cannot be completely virtual. One has to abandon the complete idealization in the historical case since observable reproduction has to be realized as one of the subdynamics of otherwise virtual networks. In this respect, sociology is different from the study of artificial systems. The historical instantiations contain the fingerprints of the social system's reproduction.Institutional dynamics exhibit codifications of communication that have been useful hitherto to the extent that they have been institutionalized. These â€Å"real life† phenomena are part of the social system as are we ourselves, that is, as subdynamics which can be invoked. In other words: human agency is structurally coupled to the social system, but only along one of the two dimensions of inter-huma n communication at each time. The other dimension is the way our communication is processed as a message. Along this dimension, the expectation is that we are only operationally coupled, since operational coupling allows for differentiation.The social system operates in terms of expectations (that is, uncertainties) and expectations concerning expectations (that is, meaningful selections). This differentiation in the communication provides parallel channels in the medium that the network system has available for propelling the communication. Language supports this dual-layeredness in the communication by providing a means of codification of the relation between the message and the information. The interactions among the two layers provide the system with variation that can recursively be selected as meaningful.For example, one is able to play with the meanings and the functions of communications. Furthermoe, one is sometimes able to control some of the selections by improving one's own communicative competences. Although each of us is able to select individually by providing meaning to some information and not to other, the reflections are socially distributed and hence they contain also an update value for the network behind the backs of the participants involved. In each communication, one degree of freedom may be hidden hyperreflexively or it can be made available to the communication, that is, infrareflexively.When the socially distributed reflections can be communicated, they are provided with situational meaning. The latter interaction is expected to interact with the not-yet communicated layer of reflections, and by generating this new variation the system propels itself. On the side of the human agency involved, this configuration provides us with opportunities for building niches within the system or, in Habermas' terminology, with options for improving the quality of life, for example, by fine-tuning communicative competencies to the exigencies of th e communicated culture.C. Theory of Slang LanguageThe definition of slang can be found in literature researching slang. Unlike dictionaries, whose main focus is to provide the general outline of a lexical item, but cannot elaborate on too many aspects due to a restriction on the space available, the specialized literature presented in this paragraph presents more in-depth research on slang and has a different approach to how to define slang.In her book Slang & Sociability in which she researches the use of slang among college students in the USA, English professor Connie Eble presents her own definition of slang: â€Å"Slang is an ever changing set of colloquial words and phrases that speakers use to establish or reinforce social identity or cohesiveness in society at large† (Eble 1996: 11). Eble’s definition differs significantly from the definitions presented in the dictionaries. While she agrees that slang is colloquial, Eble’s definition highlights the socia l aspects of slang which the dictionaries either ignore or do not find relevant to explain.According to Eble, slang thus seems to serve a purpose which is the establishment of social identity for the speaker and the people with whom they are interacting. Michael Adams agrees and says that slang serves to fill the following purposes: to identify members of a group, to change the level of discourse in the direction of informality, and to oppose established authority (Adams 2009: 16). Adams’ and Eble definitions show that slang is not just a set of words/phrases used by particular groups, but that it is something that are used by people to establish groups.The difference between these two notions is that slang can be used by anyone with the aim of wanting to establish group identity and to oppose established authority. Eble mentions Dumas and Lighter who proposes four identifying criteria for slang (Dumas & Lighter 1978 14-16 in Eble 1996: 11-12): 1. Its presence will markedly l ower, at least for the moment, the dignity of formal or serious speech or writing. 2. Its use implies the user’s familiarity either with the referent or with that less statusful or less responsible class of people who have such familiarity and use the term.3. It is a tabooed term in ordinary discourse with persons of higher social status or greater responsibility. 4. It is used in place of the well-known conventional synonym, especially in order (a) to protect the user from the discomfort caused by the conventional item or (b) to protect the user from the discomfort or annoyance of further elaboration. Dumas & Lighter say that when something fits at least two of the criteria, a linguistically sensitive audience will react to it in a certain way.This way, which cannot be measured, is the ultimate identifying characteristic of true slang. This shows that the use of slang is a negotiation between the speaker and the listener, because the speaker wants to convey something with th e use of slang which the listener must acknowledge. Adams acknowledges this and says that it is not a word itself that makes something slang, but rather the extrinsic feature of its use adapted by speakers to very precise human social and aesthetic needs and aspirations (Adams 2009: 48).Thus, the four criteria show that slang goes far beyond just being a lexical item. Moreover, all four criteria seem to focus on the social implications of using slang and the consciousness of shared knowledge between speaker and other participants. Dumas & Lighter imply that slang is used to change the level of formality from formal and serious speech towards informality, which also was what was suggested in the dictionary definitions and by Adams and Eble The objective of using sets of slang words and expressions is to achieve something on a social level.The speaker uses slang in order to achieve social dynamics with the people to whom he/she is speaking and slang outlines social space, and attitude s towards slang helps identify and construct social groups and identity. (Adams 2009:57). This means that when you use slang, you expose yourself, your ideas and your attitude as to how you want to perceive the people with whom you are interacting, and how you want these people to perceive you, while you rely on the people with whom you are speaking to be able to infer what you mean.From this follows that slang is not a language as such as implied in some of the dictionary  definitions mentioned in the previous paragraph, but rather a set of words and expressions in a given language used to create group dynamics, because slang is used within a given language to establish a difference between standard language and slang. The difference is not so much in the words themselves, but in the intended effect of using the words. The switch from standard language to slang implies informal settings and helps determining group dynamics. In the words of Eble, people use slang â€Å"when they want to be creative, clear 2 A form of e. g. English which does not include evident non-standard usage of the language† (Hamaida 2007: 3).Translating the use of slang – A study of microstrategies in subtitling with a view to researching the transfer of the use of slang from source text to target text with I Love You, Man as empirical example, including a study of the function of slang and acceptable to a select group† (Eble 1998: 19). In addition, slang is ephemeral. Slang changes constantly and it is the constant notion of what to use and what not to use that creates group identity. Eble says that â€Å"sharing and maintaining a constantly changing in-group vocabulary aids group solidarity and serves to include and exclude members† (Eble 1998: 119).The members are those who understand not only the word said by a slang user, but also know what the intention of using the word is. In this way, slang operates like fashion: You always need to keep up with the l atest trends and if you do not, you are not as fashionable as other slang users are, and you must know how to respond to slang and to show whether you are ‘in-crowd’ or ‘out-crowd’ (Ibid: 121). What still needs to be explained is what makes a given word appear slang to listeners.As we saw above, Lighter and Dumas suggested that a slang term is taboo when used around people that do not belong to your group and that slang is a synonym to a conventional word in the standard language used to avoid having to protect the user of the word from discomfort from having to elaborate on the word or to use the real word. This tells us that slang has an effect on both speaker and listener, and that slang is not applicable in all settings. Adams mentions that slang is â€Å"casual, racy, vivid, irreverent, and playful elements [that] rebels against the standard (whether mildy, wildly or in between)† (Adams 2009: 9).The attributes suggested by Adams proposes that sl ang can be mild and casual in its appearance just as it can be racy and irreverent. Essentially, Adams believes that slang is used to rebel against standard language, but that the reasons for doing so does not have to be to show bad behaviour or obvious irreverence. As we saw in the dictionary definitions above, slang seems to be listed as being not polite and offensive, but Adams believes that slang can just as well be playful and a joking way of rebelling against standard language to mark the difference between e.g. parents and children (in-crowd versus out-crowd), but the children do not necessarily have wicked intentions with the use of slang.Rather, slang is used to create a social line between children and parents/adults (Ibid: 32). Of course, context comes into play when we think of slang. Adams mentions that slang is not slang until someone recognises it to be slang (Adams 2009: 62). This means that listeners must be able to recognise the speaker’s intent to break wit h established linguistic convention and to determine that what they are hearing is slang.CHAPTER V. CONCLUSIONThe term of using slang texting commonly can be learning trough chat with someone aboard. From the research result, we could see that student A who is often having chat with someone abroad can translate the text source appropriately. While student B is unfamiliar with slang texting, it is because student B rarely having chat with someone abroad. Knowing slang language is good for people who want to be an active English speaker. By mastering slang language, so we can take easily to communicate with the English native speaker.